Industrial commercial tobacco
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- History of commercial tobacco in the United States
- Traditional vs. Commercial Tobacco
- Commercial Tobacco
- Tobacco industry
- Looking for the smoking gun: the academics taking on Big Tobacco
- British American Tobacco
- Inventing Conflicts of Interest: A History of Tobacco Industry Tactics
- Trump set to meet with tobacco executives, vaping advocates and public health groups
History of commercial tobacco in the United States
Confronted by compelling peer-reviewed scientific evidence of the harms of smoking, the tobacco industry, beginning in the s, used sophisticated public relations approaches to undermine and distort the emerging science. The industry campaign worked to create a scientific controversy through a program that depended on the creation of industry—academic conflicts of interest.
This strategy of producing scientific uncertainty undercut public health efforts and regulatory interventions designed to reduce the harms of smoking. A number of industries have subsequently followed this approach to disrupting normative science. Claims of scientific uncertainty and lack of proof also lead to the assertion of individual responsibility for industrially produced health risks. This, of course, is not to argue that the approach and strategy undertaken by big tobacco are necessarily typical of conventional industry—science relationships.
But the steps the industry took as it fashioned a new relationship with the scientific enterprise have become a powerful and influential model for the exertion of commercial interests within science and medicine since that time. As a result, industrial influence on scientific research and outcome has been a powerful legacy of the tobacco story. In this sense, the tobacco industry invented the modern problem of conflicts of interest at midcentury.
By late , the tobacco industry faced a crisis of cataclysmic proportions. Smoking had been categorically linked to the dramatic rise of lung cancer.
Although health concerns about smoking had been raised for decades, by the early s there was a powerful expansion and consolidation of scientific methods and findings that demonstrated that smoking caused lung disease as well as other serious respiratory and cardiac diseases, leading to death.
These findings appeared in major, peer-reviewed medical journals as well as throughout the general media. As a result, the tobacco industry would launch a new strategy, largely unprecedented in the history of US industry and business: it would work to erode, confuse, and condemn the very science that now threatened to destroy its prized, highly popular, and exclusive product.
But this would be no simple matter. After all, in the immediate postwar years—the dawn of the nuclear age—science was in high esteem. The industry could not denigrate the scientific enterprise and still maintain its public credibility, so crucial to its success. The tobacco industry already had a long history of innovative advertising, marketing, and public relations that had centered on making smoking universal.
Starting in the late 19th century, the industry transformed itself to become a model of modern industrial organization and consumer marketing.
The industry took a product that had existed at the cultural periphery and remade it into one of the most popular, successful, and widely used items of the early 20th century. The basic tenet of the highly articulated public relations approach the companies deployed centered on the notion that if the current cultural context was inhospitable to the product, one could—through shrewd and creative public relations interventions—change the culture to fit the product. In the course of this transformation, the tobacco companies successfully defined and exploited critical aspects of a new consumer culture.
After all, if public relations could engineer consent among consumers, so too could it manage the science that was now threatening to undermine the tobacco industry's product and the entire industry itself. And yet, as subsequent history would show, the management of culture and social meaning was considerably different from the management of science. The tobacco industry's program to engineer the science relating to the harms caused by cigarettes marked a watershed in the history of the industry.
It moved aggressively into a new domain, the production of scientific knowledge, not for purposes of research and development but, rather, to undo what was now known: that cigarette smoking caused lethal disease. Such a campaign required new tactics and strategies. In the conduct of this public relations campaign, the tobacco industry would markedly alter the historical trajectory of industry—science relationships.
Although medicine and science had never been sacrosanct from a range of social and commercial interests, 8—11 the tobacco industry campaign crossed into new terrain to build a powerful network of interests and influence. Today, as a result of litigation, journalistic exposure, and historical investigation, this story is relatively well known. Indeed, the tobacco industry constructed a program that had a number of effects within the broader culture of science, knowledge, and policy.
For this reason I make the somewhat provocative claim that the industry invented the modern conflicts of interest that now are the subject of such intensive contention in the world of science and medicine as well as media, politics, law, and policy. The industry well understood the power of interests and the levers of influence.
Indeed, the ability to use interests and influence had been key aspects of its past success. Earlyth-century tobacco advertisements centered on the endorsement of public figures of influence and authority who would help to bring smoking into the mainstream.
In this respect, the tobacco industry played an important role in constructing a culture of celebrities who would help influence social mores and consumer spending through brand endorsements. By the early s, the emerging science on tobacco's harms documented in the elite peer-reviewed literature, especially the causal linkage to lung cancer, threatened to undo more than a half century of unprecedented corporate success. With considerable anxiety and rancor within the tobacco industry, the industry's highly competitive CEOs came together in December at the Plaza Hotel in New York City to map a strategy.
They realized that the threat they now faced was unprecedented and would require new, collaborative approaches and expertise. Not surprisingly, given their history, they turned again to the field of public relations that had served them so well in the past. They called upon John W. The public confidence the industry required could not be achieved through advertising, which was self-interested by definition.
It would be crucial for the industry to assert its authority over the scientific domain; science had the distinct advantage of its reputation for disinterestedness. To those schooled in public relations, advertising ran the risk of exposing corporate self-interest. Good public relations relied on scrupulous behind-the-scenes management of media. As Bernays had demonstrated in the s and s, the best public relations work left no fingerprints. Hill offered the companies powerful advice and guidance as they faced their crisis.
Hill understood that simply denying emerging scientific facts would be a losing game. This would not only smack of self-interest but also ally the companies with ignorance in an age of technological and scientific hegemony. So he proposed seizing and controlling science rather than avoiding it.
If science posed the principal—even terminal—threat to the industry, Hill advised that the companies should now associate themselves as great supporters of science.
The companies, in his view, should embrace a sophisticated scientific discourse; they should demand more science, not less.
Of critical importance, Hill argued, they should declare the positive value of scientific skepticism of science itself. Knowledge, Hill understood, was hard won and uncertain, and there would always be skeptics. What better strategy than to identify, solicit, support, and amplify the views of skeptics of the causal relationship between smoking and disease? Moreover, the liberal disbursement of tobacco industry research funding to academic scientists could draw new skeptics into the fold.
The goal, according to Hill, would be to build and broadcast a major scientific controversy. The public must get the message that the issue of the health effects of smoking remains an open question. Doubt, uncertainty, and the truism that there is more to know would become the industry's collective new mantra. Hill was above all a cynic, deeply committed to the instrumental ideals of public relations.
He was profoundly confident that public relations strategies, well developed and implemented, could effectively serve the needs of his clients. Although he had quit smoking himself, he had no interest in examining and assessing the data or the emerging science. For Hill, science would be a means to a public relations end.
Hill and his colleagues set to work to review the full range of approaches open to them. Dismissing as shortsighted the idea of mounting personal attacks on researchers or simply issuing blanket assurances of safety, they concluded instead that seizing control of the science of tobacco and health would be essential to seizing control of the media. Although public relations practitioners had considerable experience manipulating the media, what was radical about Hill's proposed strategy was the desire to manipulate scientific research, debate, and outcomes.
It would be crucial to identify scientists who expressed skepticism about the link between cigarettes and cancer, those critical of statistical methods, and especially those who had offered alternative hypotheses for the causes of cancer.
Hill set his staff to identifying the most vocal and visible skeptics of the emerging science of smoking and disease. These scientists many of whom turned out to be smokers themselves would be central to the development of an industry scientific program in step with larger public relations goals. Hill understood that simply denying the harms of smoking would alienate the public. His strategy for ending what the tobacco CEOs called the hysteria linking smoking to cancer was to insist that there were 2 sides in a highly contentious scientific debate.
Just as Bernays had worked to engineer consent, so Hill would engineer controversy. This strategy—invented by Hill in the context of his work for the tobacco industry—would ultimately become the cornerstone of a large range of efforts to distort scientific process for commercial ends during the second half of the 20th century. One R. The company's own public relations counsel understood that it would be critical to create questions about the reliability of the new findings and to attack the notion that these studies constituted proof of the relationship of smoking to cancer.
Executives and staff canceled all holiday plans as they worked to frame and implement a full-scale campaign on behalf of the industry. Their role was exclusively limited to serving the public relations goal of their collective clients. Because of the serious nature of the attack on cigarettes and the vast publicity given them in the daily press and in magazines of the widest circulation, a hysteria of fear appears to be developing throughout the country,.
Hill wrote in an internal memorandum. It was Hill who hit on the idea of creating an industry-sponsored research entity. Ultimately, he concluded, the best public relations approach was for the industry to become a major sponsor of medical research.
The call for new research implied that existing studies were inadequate or flawed. It made clear that there was more to know, and it made the industry seem a committed participant in the scientific enterprise rather than a self-interested critic. The industry had supported some individual research in recent years, but Hill's proposal offered the potential of a research program that would be controlled by the industry yet promoted as independent. This was a public relations masterstroke.
Hill understood that simply giving money to scientists—through the National Institutes of Health or some other entity, for example—offered little opportunity to shape the public relations environment.
However, offering funds directly to university-based scientists would enlist their support and dependence. The very nature of controlling and managing information in public relations stood in marked contrast to the scientific notion of unfettered new knowledge.
Hill and his clients had no interest in answering a scientific question. Their goal was to maintain vigorous control over the research program, to use science in the service of public relations.
Although the tobacco executives had proposed forming a cigarette information committee dedicated to defending smoking against the medical findings, Hill argued aggressively for adding research to the committee's title and agenda. Hill also advised the industry that continued competitive assertions about the health benefits of particular brands would be devastating. Instead, the industry needed a collective research initiative to demonstrate its shared concern for the public.
Rather than using health research to create competitive products as they had been doing, the companies needed to express—above all else—their commitment to public well-being.
Hill believed that the competitive fervor over health claims had harmed the industry's credibility. No one would look for serious information about health from an industry that was making unsubstantiated claims about its product. The future of the industry would reflect its acceptance of this essential principle. From December forward, the tobacco companies would present a unified front on smoking and health; more than 5 decades of strategic and explicit collusion would follow.
We accept an interest in people's health as a basic responsibility, paramount to every other consideration in our business.
Traditional vs. Commercial Tobacco
The history of commercial tobacco production in the United States dates back to the 17th century when the first commercial crop was planted. The industry originated in the production of tobacco for pipes and snuff. Different war efforts in the world created a shift in demand and production of tobacco in the world and the American colonies.
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The tobacco industry comprises those persons and companies engaged in the growth, preparation for sale, shipment, advertisement, and distribution of tobacco and tobacco-related products. It is a global industry; tobacco can grow in any warm, moist environment, which means it can be farmed on all continents except Antarctica. Tobacco, one of the most widely used addictive substances in the world [ citation needed ] , is a plant native to the Americas and historically one of the half-dozen most important crops grown by American farmers. From to tobacco was the most valuable staple export from the English American mainland colonies and the United States. Tobacco is an agricultural commodity product, similar in economic terms to agricultural foodstuffs : the price is in part determined by crop yields, which vary depending on local weather conditions. The price also varies by specific species or cultivar grown, the total quantity on the market ready for sale, the area where it is grown, the health of the plants, and other characteristics individual to product quality. Since conclusive medical evidence of the deadly effects of tobacco consumption has led to a sharp decline in official support for producers and manufacturers of tobacco, although it contributes to the agricultural, fiscal, manufacturing, and exporting sectors of the economy. For a history of how tobacco has been grown and marketed, see tobacco , smoking and articles on similar topics.
Subscribe Table of contents. Tobacco is grown in at least countries on more than 4. This change is most pronounced in Africa, where more than 20 African countries now grow tobacco. Table Tobacco agriculture creates many environmental and public health problems.
Traditional and commercial tobacco are different in the way that they are planted and grown, harvested, prepared, and used. Traditional tobacco is and has been used in sacred ways by American Indians for centuries. Its use differs by Tribe, with Alaska Natives generally not using traditional tobacco at all. Commercial tobacco is produced for recreational use by companies, contains chemical additives and is linked with death and disease.
Looking for the smoking gun: the academics taking on Big Tobacco
Cigarette and smokeless tobacco companies spend billions of dollars each year to market their products. The money cigarette and smokeless tobacco companies spent in on U. Scientific evidence shows that tobacco company advertising and promotion influences young people to start using tobacco. The three most heavily advertised brands—Marlboro, Newport, and Camel—were the preferred brands of cigarettes smoked by middle school and high school students inSEE VIDEO BY TOPIC: We're quitting smoking, so why is big tobacco booming?
Tobacco executives, vaping industry representatives and public health leaders are scheduled to meet with President Donald Trump at the White House on Friday afternoon as the administration weighs banning flavored e-cigarettes to reverse an epidemic of teen-age use. Juul, the market leading e-cigarette manufacturer, will send CEO K. Parents Against Vaping will send someone. Gregory Conley, president of industry-funded organization the American Vaping Association, and Tony Abboud, executive director of trade group the Vapor Technology Association, will represent e-cigarette manufacturers and vape shops. Friday's meeting marks a pivotal moment in what has been a heated and complex debate over how to tackle a teen vaping epidemic. An outbreak of a vaping lung disease that has sickened nearly 2, people and killed 47 added even more pressure on federal regulators to act.
British American Tobacco
To evaluate the quality management level of tobacco commercial enterprises in 17 cities of Shandong province, an improved method combining factor analysis and clustering algorithm is developed. Meanwhile, with the comprehensive thought of the quality management and performance management, we use both the result-oriented and process-oriented indexes. Based on factor analysis, the main factor score rankings of 17 tobacco commercial enterprises are obtained. Then, we get the clustering result of quality management level with the main factors.
Inventing Conflicts of Interest: A History of Tobacco Industry Tactics
Tobacco is the core component of our products. The three tobacco types are Virginia, burley and oriental. Other cigarette types include those made from dark or air-cured tobaccos , oriental-tobacco cigarettes , and kreteks, which contain cloves and are popular in Indonesia. Learn more about the art of blending by watching this video:.
Trump set to meet with tobacco executives, vaping advocates and public health groups
To download the full. Commercial tobacco is manufactured by companies for recreational and habitual use in cigarettes, smokeless tobacco, pipe tobacco, cigars, hookahs, and other products. Commercial tobacco is mass-produced and sold for profit.
In order to dissuade these countries from implementing policies aimed at curbing tobacco consumption such as increased taxes, health warnings, advertising bans and smoke-free environments , the tobacco industry claims that tobacco farmers will be negatively affected and that no viable, sustainable alternatives exist. This book, based on original research from three continents, exposes the myths behind these claims. Since there will be no major reduction in global demand for tobacco leaf in the short to medium term, manipulations of the tobacco industry are what really effect demand for tobacco leaf at the national level. Moreover, tobacco is not the most lucrative crop for small-scale farmers and it imposes serious negative socioeconomic, health and environmental impacts, and economically sustainable alternatives to tobacco exist. This book counters the myths perpetuated by the industry by identifying the true drivers of demand for tobacco leaf, the sources of farmer vulnerability and dependency on tobacco production and the conditions needed for an economically sustainable transition.
Recently identified as a killer, tobacco has been the focus of health warnings, lawsuits, and political controversy. Yet many Native Americans continue to view tobacco-when used properly-as a life-affirming and sacramental substance that plays a significant role in Native creation myths and religious ceremonies. This definitive work presents the origins, history, and contemporary use and misuse of tobacco by Native Americans. It describes wild and domesticated tobacco species and how their cultivation and use may have led to the domestication of corn, potatoes, beans, and other food plants. It also analyzes many North American Indian practices and beliefs, including the concept that Tobacco is so powerful and sacred that the spirits themselves are addicted to it. The book presents medical data revealing the increasing rates of commercial tobacco use by Native youth and the rising rates of death among Native American elders from lung cancer, heart disease, and other tobacco-related illnesses. Finally, this volume argues for the preservation of traditional tobacco use in a limited, sacramental manner while criticizing the use of commercial tobacco.
Вскоре путь ей преградила кабина голосового сканирования, табличка на которой гласила: АГЕНТСТВО НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЙ БЕЗОПАСНОСТИ (АНБ) ОТДЕЛЕНИЕ КРИПТОГРАФИИ ТОЛЬКО ДЛЯ СОТРУДНИКОВ С ДОПУСКОМ Вооруженный охранник поднял голову: - Добрый день, мисс Флетчер.
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